Brutal trabajo de nuevo del NYT analizando todo el armamento que ha usado Rusia y que han recogido sin explotar y tal.
Os pongo un link de regalo de esos porque eso no se puede copiar aqui:
Algo pasa con la ofensiva rusa. Está atascada
lowfour
Started 2022-04-20
4339 posts
Edited 2022-06-19
Sí se puede copiar:
Reflecting a shockingly barbaric and old-fashioned wartime strategy, Russian forces have pummeled Ukrainian cities and towns with a barrage of rockets and other munitions, most of which can be considered relatively crude relics of the Cold War, and many of which have been banned widely under international treaties, according to a New York Times analysis.
The attacks have made repeated and widespread use of weapons that kill, maim and destroy indiscriminately — a potential violation of international humanitarian law. These strikes have left civilians — including children — dead and injured, and they have left critical infrastructure, like schools and homes, a shambles.
The Times examined more than 1,000 pictures taken by its own photojournalists and wire-service photographers working on the ground in Ukraine, as well as visual evidence presented by Ukrainian government and military agencies. Times journalists identified and categorized more than 450 instances in which weapons or groups of weapons were found in Ukraine. All told, there were more than 2,000 identifiable munitions, a vast majority of which were unguided.
The magnitude of the evidence collected and cataloged by The Times shows that the use of these kinds of weapons by Russia has not been limited or anomalous. In fact, it has formed the backbone of the country’s strategy for war since the beginning of the invasion.
Of the weapons identified by The Times, more than 210 were types that have been widely banned under international treaties. All but a handful were cluster munitions, including their submunitions, which can pose a grave risk to civilians for decades after war has ended. More than 330 other weapons appeared to have been used on or near civilian structures.
Because of the difficulties in getting comprehensive information in wartime, these tallies are undercounts. Some of the weapons identified may have been fired by Ukrainian forces in an effort to defend themselves against the invasion, but evidence points to far greater use by Russian forces.
Customary international humanitarian laws and treaties — including the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their protocols — demand that the driving principle in war be military necessity, which mandates all combatants direct their actions toward legitimate military targets. The law requires a balance between a military mission and humanity. Combatants must not carry out attacks that are disproportionate, where the expected civilian harm is clearly excessive, according to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, to the direct and concrete military advantage that would be anticipated. Combatants must consider distinction, that attacks are directed only toward lawful targets and people and are not applied indiscriminately. And they must not use weapons calculated to inflict unnecessary suffering.
“The Russians have violated every single one of those principles almost daily,” said Mike Newton, a Vanderbilt University law professor who frequently supports efforts to prosecute war crimes all over the world.
“The law of war is far more demanding than the rule of simple expediency and convenience,” Professor Newton said. “Just because I have a weapon doesn’t mean I can use it.”
What follows is an analysis of the visual evidence The Times examined in its investigation.
Unguided Munitions
A vast majority of the weapons identified by The Times were unguided munitions, which lack accuracy and, as a result, may be used in greater numbers to destroy a single target. Both of these factors increase the likelihood of shells and rockets falling in areas populated by civilians.
Russia has relied heavily in Ukraine on long-range attacks with unguided weapons, like howitzers and artillery rockets. By comparison, Western military forces have almost entirely converted their arsenals to use guided rockets, missiles and bombs, and they have even developed kits that can turn regular artillery shells into precision weapons. Russia may be limited by sanctions and export controls affecting its ability to restock modern weapons, and much of its precision-guided arsenal may now have been exhausted.
These Cold War-era, unguided Russian weapons have the capacity to shoot well beyond the range of the human eye — many miles past the point where a soldier could see the eventual target. To use these weapons lawfully at long range, Russia would have to use drones or soldiers known as “forward observers” to watch where the weapons hit, and then radio back corrections. There was little evidence that they were doing so until recently.
“I think what we’re seeing here with the Russians is kind of like what you’d see back in World War II, where they just bomb the hell out of people,” a senior American defense official said in an interview.
“The most surprising thing is, I guess, their philosophy on trying to break the will or the spirit of the Ukrainian people by just leveling large sections or entire towns,” said the official, who was not authorized to speak publicly about assessments of Russian behavior in Ukraine. He added: “This is what war used to look like, and they just brought it back center stage. And people, I think, are horrified.”
Artillery rockets like the 122-millimeter Grad were fielded long before precision-guided weapons were invented. They were designed for something called “saturation fire” — in which a handful of mobile rocket launchers, each of which can fire as many as 40 rockets in about 20 seconds, can offer the same firepower as many dozens of larger towed howitzers. They can essentially flood an area with warheads exploding in rapid succession.
When fired in a barrage, the rockets make up for their comparative inaccuracy with sheer volume — blanketing their targets with explosions.
The warheads on these weapons can be devastating. When they explode, they produce a blast wave that can grow in intensity as it bounces off buildings, shattering concrete on neighboring structures and damaging internal organs of anyone nearby. The munition’s casing breaks into razor-sharp fragments that can penetrate bodies. Both the blast wave and the fragments can be lethal at various ranges. Here are three common types of weapons Russia has been using in Ukraine whose fragments can be dangerous to unprotected people at great distances.
Hazardous fragmentation distances
Munitions and remnants of weapons have been found throughout Ukraine, and about one-fifth of those identified were located outside of the areas of Russian troop presence, according to a Times analysis. Though some of the munitions were almost certainly used in airstrikes, many were most likely launched at maximum range, meaning that estimates of troop presence during the span of the war may have underrepresented the extent of the threat to civilians and civilian structures.
In the early weeks of the invasion, Russia shifted many of its attacks to highly populated areas with civilian infrastructure, hitting churches, kindergartens, hospitals and sports facilities, often with imprecise long-range unguided munitions that could be heaved blindly from afar, causing wreckage well beyond the boundaries of occupied territory.
The top prosecutor at the International Criminal Court in The Hague has opened a formal inquiry into accusations of atrocities in Ukraine. Under international humanitarian law, combatants and commanders are supposed to take all feasible precautionary measures to minimize harm to civilians and “civilian objects,” like apartments, houses and other buildings and structures that are not being used for military purposes.
Targeting civilian structures or indiscriminately bombing densely populated areas, depending on the circumstances of an attack, could violate the laws of war, or even possibly be a war crime. And the burden of proof to show that an area was a justified military target and that the attack was proportionate, experts have said, generally falls on the aggressor.
A photo of a warhead spiking the center of a playground, though it may be upsetting, does not necessarily prove that a war crime has been committed. Details of each instance, including the intent behind an attack and the surrounding circumstances, must be thoroughly investigated. (For example, if a school was being used as a military command center, it could potentially be considered a justified target under international law, though that would need to be weighed against other factors, like determining whether an attack would be proportionate.)
Still, experts said documenting evidence of potential violations could be an important first step in that investigative process and could help tell the story of civilians struggling on the ground. And a pattern of widespread attacks involving civilians and protected structures, they said, particularly with imprecise weapons, should not be ignored.
“This is a window into the mindset of how Russia views Ukraine,” said Pierre-Richard Prosper, who served as U.S. ambassador-at-large for war crimes issues under President George W. Bush and who has also been a war crimes prosecutor. “And it’s a window into how Russia views the likelihood that it will be held accountable for its actions.”
“It’s emblematic,” he said, “of how the Russian government has been operating with impunity on so many fronts.”
Over and over, The Times found visual evidence that Russian forces fired on areas that were near easily recognizable civilian buildings. Hundreds of munitions were identified in or near houses and apartment buildings, and dozens were identified in or near schools. Weapons were also identified close to churches, cemeteries, farms, medical facilities and several playgrounds.
Cluster Munitions
The Times found the distinctive remains of cluster munition warheads scattered across Ukraine — they were photographed sometimes where they landed, and sometimes where they were gathered in piles. The munitions are a class of weapon comprising rockets, bombs, missiles, mortar and artillery shells that split open midair and dispense smaller submunitions over a wide area.
Although some of the Russian submunitions used in Ukraine have been mines designed to kill people or destroy tanks, they usually take the form of small anti-personnel weapons called “bomblets” that are cheaply made, mass-produced and contain less than a pound of high explosives each.
About 20 percent of these submunitions fail to detonate on impact and can explode if later handled. Many of the solid-fuel motors tallied by The Times that were left over from rocket attacks might have carried cluster munition warheads, but it was unclear — meaning that the cluster weapon tally is likely an undercount.
A number of nongovernmental organizations have reported injuries and deaths in Ukraine resulting from cluster munitions. In February, Human Rights Watch said a Russian ballistic missile carrying submunitions struck near a hospital in Vuhledar, killing four civilians and injuring 10, including health care workers, as well as damaging the hospital, an ambulance and other vehicles.
The same month, according to the human rights organization, Russian forces fired cluster munitions into residential areas in Kharkiv, killing at least three civilians. Amnesty International reported that a cargo rocket dropped bomblets on a nursery and kindergarten in Okhtyrka, in an attack that was said to have killed three people, including a child, and to have wounded another child.
In April, Ukraine’s Office of the Prosecutor General, which has been investigating potential war crimes, said a man in the village of Mala Kostromka picked up an unexploded submunition, which then detonated, killing him. In May, the office said Russian forces had used cluster munitions in a village in the Dnipropetrovsk region, possibly killing one person. Neither Ukraine nor Russia (nor the United States) have joined the international treaty banning the use of cluster munitions.
The military forces of both Russia and Ukraine are known to have used cluster munitions in Donbas during fighting in 2014 and to have used weapons in civilian spaces. But since the Feb. 24 invasion, with the exception of a single known use attributed to Ukrainian troops, evidence has pointed to nearly exclusive use by Russian forces.
The Times identified these weapons through photos of the skeletal remnants of empty rocket warheads as well as images of unexploded bomblets they left behind — some of which were designed to demolish armored vehicles and others to kill people.
Cluster Munitions in Civilian Areas
The Times defined civilian areas narrowly, as locations in or near identifiable nonmilitary or government buildings or places, like houses, apartment buildings, shops, warehouses, parks, playgrounds, schools, churches, cemeteries and memorials, hospitals, health facilities, agricultural structures and farms. Because some of the visual evidence — in both city centers and small villages — did not include clear examples of civilian buildings or landmarks, this tally is an undercount as well. The Times did not include infrastructure like roads or bridges.
Other Weapons of Concern
In the photos below, The Times identified other weapons that are widely scorned by the international humanitarian community: a hand grenade used as a booby trap, an antipersonnel land mine, remnants of incendiary weapons and a group of flechettes.
The hand grenade in the first photo, disguised in a crumpled coffee cup, was found by Ukrainians near their home in Zalissya Village, near Brovary. The weapon potentially violates the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, which restricts the use of booby traps in the form of seemingly harmless portable objects that can explode if disturbed or approached.
The POM-3 land mine in the second photo is also banned under international humanitarian laws; it can kill and maim civilians long after wars have ended. Ukrainian military officials reported that they found such land mines in the Kharkiv and Sumy regions. They are a new type of weapon, equipped with sensors that can detect when people walk nearby — unlike older types of land mines, which typically explode when people step on them or disturb attached trip wires. Ukraine is one of 164 nations that have signed a 1997 treaty banning the use of antipersonnel land mines and have pledged to purge their stockpiles, while Russia has refused to join it (as has the United States).
The POM-3 generally is launched by a rocket and then parachutes back to the ground. There, it waits until it senses a person nearby and then launches a small explosive warhead that can detonate midair. The fragments can be lethal to someone as far as 50 feet away. In April, the HALO Trust, a British American nonprofit that removes explosive remnants of weapons after armed conflicts, told The Times that “these create a threat that we don’t have a response for.”
The third photo shows small, hexagonal cylinders of thermite — an incendiary compound used in some Russian rockets and bombs that have been seen bursting open mid-air, streaming burning sticks of thermite onto the ground below. International law specifically prohibits their use near civilian areas.
The fourth photo shows a handful of flechettes, essentially tiny steel arrows released from certain types of shells. Using them does not necessarily violate international humanitarian law, but the weapons could potentially run afoul of the laws of war if deemed to cause unnecessary suffering or if used in civilian areas because of their indiscriminate, lethal nature.
Even guided munitions, which are not generally banned on their face, can potentially run afoul of international humanitarian laws if they are used to harm civilians or structures without a justified military target. The Times found evidence of more than a dozen guided weapons in civilian locations.
Unexploded Weapons
Russia’s weapons strategy will reverberate far into Ukraine’s future. The Times found visual evidence of more than 120 rockets, bombs, shells and other munitions in Ukraine that failed to detonate or were abandoned. That count is surely just the tip of the iceberg, according to experts, who have said that proper cleanup of these weapons will take years.
Leftover munitions not only pose a danger to civilians if they unexpectedly explode, but also can wreak havoc on the environment, contaminating drinking water, soil and air, sometimes sickening or killing people. They can hinder rebuilding after fighting has ended, experts said, because people sometimes cannot return to their homes or cannot reach essential services.
In April, HALO, which stands for Hazardous Area Life-Support Organization, told The Times that future efforts to remove explosives in Ukraine would require roughly the same number of workers as its current operation in Afghanistan, which has suffered decades of conflict.
Unexploded ordnance poses a serious and ongoing threat, even decades after wars are fought. In Syria, land mines, explosive remnants and unexploded weapons were a leading cause of child casualties last year, making up about a third of recorded injuries and deaths and leaving many children permanently disabled.
In Laos, where the United States used cluster munitions extensively during the Vietnam War, nine million to 27 million unexploded submunitions remained after the conflict, causing more than 10,000 civilian casualties, according to the Congressional Research Service. More than a full century after World War I, unexploded shells still litter parts of Europe where battles were fought. Some zones are still uninhabited because they are considered unsafe.
In addition to launching weapons that have failed to explode in Ukraine, Russia has also attacked local arms depots, causing fires and explosions that typically can fling hundreds of damaged and unstable munitions into surrounding areas.
Leila Sadat, a professor of international law at Washington University in St. Louis and a special adviser to the International Criminal Court prosecutor since 2012, said there was a “huge degree of weapon contamination that then Ukrainians have to address, assuming they can come back to these areas.”
“Ukraine,” Prof. Sadat said, “could become a wasteland.”
Y ahora cortan el acceso a kaliningrado
Y estos han ido a desnazificar Ucrania
Está la cosa molt malament.
Rusia amenaza a Lituania con represalias por impedir el transporte por vía férrea a Kaliningrado (NYT)
Russian authorities on Monday threatened Lithuania, a member of NATO, with retaliation if the Baltic country does not swiftly reverse its ban on the transportation of some goods to Russia’s exclave of Kaliningrad by rail.
Citing instructions from the European Union, Lithuania’s railway on Friday said it was halting the movement of goods from Russia that have been sanctioned by the European bloc.
Dmitri S. Peskov, the Kremlin’s spokesman, told reporters the situation was “more than serious.” He called the new restrictions “an element of a blockade” of the region and a “violation of everything.”
Accustomed to Russian threats, officials in Vilnius, the Lithuanian capital, took Moscow’s warnings as mostly bluster — the latest in a series of increasingly intemperate statements by a country that is severely stretched militarily by its invasion of Ukraine.
“We are not particularly worried about Russian threats,” said Lauynas Kasciunas, chairman of the Lithuanian Parliament’s national security and defense committee. “The Kremlin has very few options for how to retaliate.”
A military response by Russia, he added, “is highly unlikely because Lithuania is a member of NATO. If this were not the case, they probably would consider it.”
Up to 50 percent of all rail cargo shipped between mainland Russia and Kaliningrad — which Russian officials said includes construction materials, concrete and metals among other items — will be affected by the ban. The restrictions exposed the acute vulnerability of the region, which is part of Russia but not connected to the rest of the country. It borders the Baltic Sea, but is sandwiched between two NATO members, Lithuania and Poland.
Kaliningrad, which the Soviet army seized from Germany in 1945, was once touted by Russia as a symbol of its growing ties with the Europe. But it has lately become a volatile East-West fault line.
In the 1990s, Russian authorities promoted Kaliningrad’s past ties to Germany as a tourist draw, celebrating its role in the life and work of the 18th century German philosopher Immanuel Kant, who was born and lived in Konigsburg, the regional capital now named Kaliningrad.
More recently, however, Moscow has sought to wipe out traces of Germany’s deep historical ties to the region —, even though Germany makes no claim to Kaliningrad and has shown no interest in getting it back, a sharp contrast with Russia’s views of former Soviet territory, including Ukraine.
Gripped by increasingly aggressive nationalism, Russia has ditched policies that promoted Russia as part of Europe and moved advanced Iskander missiles into Kaliningrad. Lithuania’s defense minister said in April that Russia has stationed nuclear weapons in the region, which Moscow denies.
Russia’s foreign ministry summoned Lithuania’s top envoy on Monday over what it called “openly hostile” restrictions.
“If cargo transit between the Kaliningrad region and the rest of the Russian Federation via Lithuania is not fully restored in the near future, then Russia reserves the right to take actions to protect its national interests,” the ministry said in a statement.
Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis defended the restrictions on shipments to Kaliningrad, saying that his country was only fulfilling the terms of E.U. sanctions.
“It is not Lithuania doing anything, it is European sanctions that started working,” he told reporters in Luxembourg on Monday before a meeting of European foreign ministers.
Аnton Alikhanov, the governor of Kaliningrad, said his government was already working to find alternative routes for cargo shipments, in particular those containing metals and construction materials. He said one option could be moving cargo by sea, which would require up to seven ships to fill the demand before the end of the year.
He added that the local government was considering at least three retaliatory options to propose to the Kremlin, including a possible ban on the shipment of goods to Lithuanian ports via Russia.
Russia’s relations with Lithuania, formerly part of the Soviet Union, have never been close but unraveled dramatically in recent months as Lithuania took a leading role pushing for tough European Union sanctions against Russia over the invasion of Ukraine.
Just two weeks ago, a member of Russia’s parliament from Mr. Putin’s United Russia party submitted a draft law declaring Lithuania’s 1990 declaration of independence illegal. The bill aims to reverse the dissolution of the Soviet Union, something that Mr. Putin has lamented as “the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century.”
But, as the halting progress of Russian troops in Ukraine has shown, there is a yawning gap between Mr. Putin’s desire to roll back history and his country’s capabilities. Any military action against Lithuania would bring Russia’s already battered military into direct confrontation with NATO.
Coño, que este año se lleven la Romería del Rocío a Kiev, si hasta el Ben Stiller se reúne con Zelensky
@lowfour (post #1056) amenazaba también con nukes, pero me da que le van a tomar igual de enserio que entonces
yo creo que rusia acabará como best-korea o peor incluso
@lowfour (post #1057)
che, haciendo arqueología en plena trinchera
por cierto, el corte revela los estratos del terreno, la base arcillosa, marrón clarito, fijo que no es tan fértil como la más oscura
no me extraña que produzcan tanto grano, menudo sustrato tienen!!
@lowfour (post #1059) no es por nada, pero los planos buenos se los lleva zelensky, al ben no le sacan bien en ninguna, si acaso al principio... y poco
jojojo
Jajaja tecnología Gopnik incoming. “No, las sanciones no las notamos”
@lowfour (post #1064)
los coches viejos van a ser mucho mejores que los nuevos... siempre que no se estropeen, claro
Edited 2022-06-21
Pues nada, se confirma la reconfiguración de bloques.
Ukraine Live Updates: Demand for Russian Oil Surges in Asia, Blunting Effect of Sanctions
Asia is buying discounted Russian oil, making up for Europe’s cutbacks.
Coño! Y foto de Nakhodka, donde me corrí una juerga muy loca y asistí a una reunión apestando a alcohol y los Rusos no dijeron ni pio! De hecho yo creo que nos respetaron más por eso.
A surge in demand from Asia for discounted Russian oil is making up for the sharply lower number of barrels being sold to Europe, dulling the effects of the West’s efforts to punish Moscow over its invasion of Ukraine and keeping revenue flowing to the Kremlin.
Most of the additional oil has gone to two countries: China and India. China’s imports of Russian oil rose 28 percent in May from the previous month, hitting a record high and helping Russia overtake Saudi Arabia as China’s largest supplier. And most of the increase went to India, which has gone from taking in almost no Russian oil to bringing in more than 760,000 barrels a day, according to shipping data analyzed by Kpler, a market research firm.
Although South Korea and Japan have cut back on Russian oil, those volumes are a fraction of what is being bought by China and India.
“Asia has saved Russian crude production,” said Viktor Katona, an analyst at Kpler. “Russia, instead of falling further, is almost close to its prepandemic levels.”
Russian oil is being sold at a steep discount because of the risks associated with sanctions imposed to punish Russia for its invasion of Ukraine. Even so, soaring energy prices have led to an uptick in oil revenue for Russia, which took in $1.7 billion more last month than it did in April, according to the International Energy Agency.
Although it remains to be seen how much Asia will continue buying the oil as Europe weans itself off Russian energy, the shift has allowed Moscow to maintain its production levels and defy analysts’ expectations that its output would plunge. And it has offered another indication of the support Russia enjoys from China, whose top leader, Xi Jinping, has offered to deepen cooperation with Moscow despite its invasion of Ukraine.
Russian crude sales dropped by 554,000 barrels a day to Europe from March to May, while Asia refiners increased their take by 503,000 barrels a day — nearly a replacement of one for one. Of those, 165,000 barrels are going to China from eastern Russian ports instead of the Baltic and Black Sea ports that traditionally supply Europe. Russian sales to India reached a record 841,000 barrels a day in May, eight times the annual average from last year.
J.P. Morgan commodities experts estimate that China can buy an additional million barrels of Russian crude a day as China recovers from Covid and attempts to add to its strategic crude stockpiles on the cheap. Russian Urals crude is selling for a $30 discount to Brent.
The combination of discounted Russian crude and higher prices at the pump also means that Indian refiners are doubly profiting, according to analysts. Some of the oil products re-exported by India went in shipments bound for the United States, Britain, France and Italy, according to the Finland-based organization Center for Research on Energy and Clean Air.
There was the hope that threatened sanctions against those who insured Russian shipments would stick. But while financing shipping vessels has increased costs, the discounts are so steep that China, India and other Asian buyers are buying.
Once they refine oil into diesel, no one can distinguish whether the products that are sent to Europe and elsewhere come from Russian crude. JP Morgan estimates that Russia can find shipping capacity to transport about three million barrels a day of oil to Asia, and state-run Indian and Chinese insurers will take care of the insurance.
“Those molecules, a lot of them are Russian,” Jeff Brown, the president of F.G.E., an energy consulting firm, said of the refined oil that is being re-exported to the West. “That’s the core tension — they want to punish Russia, but they don’t want oil prices to go up.”
— Victoria Kim and Clifford Krauss
No pueden decir que vender con descuento no les hace daño. Al menos les fastidia el importe de la bajada de precio. Luego que el derivado acabe en el mercado internacional y sea indistinguible pues vale, mejor para todos los demás. En mi humilde opinión.
Edited 2022-06-23
Vídeo BRUTALERRIMO de unos ruskyis a punto de ser vaporizados cuando el polvorín donde están es reventado por misiles ukros.
Translation (was not easy to translate as it's mostly curses, you can talk with curse words in Russian and it makes sense, I needed to substitute with "fuck" a lot. Plus the explosions and they sometimes talk together and don't finish sentences).
Let's get the fuck out of here
Let's get the fuck out of here
Fucking shit exploded
Fuck it, let's get the fuck out
Close the back of the car, for fuck's sake
... shell, fuck it
holy shit
Fucking thing fucking exploded, did you see?
That's fucked up
Was it RS (rocket artillery)? Not RS, it was Tochka-U, for fuck's sake. It was Tochka-U!
(Explosion is heard), shit. Fuck, what do we do for fuck's sake?
Where is Vova?
(explosions continue) blyat!
What should we do?
I don't know.
Shit, we have the shells here, we have to get the fuck out.
Fuck
Let's all load here (onto the truck)
Don't get the fuck out. You can't fucking understand where it will land.
(unintelligible) ... it's safer than here
no shit!
fucking shit
Where is Volodya? (Vova from before)
Full power, let's get the fuck out of here.
There is a fucking Ural (truck brand) in the fucking way.
The shit fucking exploded, did you see how it flew?
Yes, yes.
Fuck it. Are there any gates, can you look quickly?
No, no, there is no way to pass.
It's a chain reaction (explosions)
Close the car roof opening.
How the fuck do we run away from here?
Is it all closed? Can't we pass?
Holy shit it's fucking exploding, shit!
It's flying!
it's fucking flying there.
blyat'!
fucking dick (interrupts), guys, let's get the fuck out of here. Fucking (car?)
Maybe we just run away? Let's fucking run the fuck out.
Run!
What do we do? Fucking fuck.
Let's get the fuck out.
Fuck!
Cyka (bitch)!
They fucking precisely fucked us (with artillery?)
Hide behind the wheels
Blyat', everything is fucking sold (not sure what it's about, maybe complaint about location of the ammo storage being sold)
Fuck, holy shit!
turn off (unintelligible)
(running) go behind the fence
(talking during explosions, hard to tell) it's an (echo? or this?) fucking exploding
(several people talking together). We have to get behind the cars
One, two, three, let's go!
Holy fuck!
Let's go further.
Let's get the fuck out.
We should have fucked off earlier. It's fucking exploding (intense explosions, unintelligible)
fuck, shit! (hell breaks loose)
(running into a house)
is there a basement? (unintelligible)
Blyat!
Let's get the fuck out!
Where do we run? ... fire ...
Is it your house? (I think they saw someone who lives there)
We have to put water on a rug
We don't have water. We don't fucking have anything
There - points at a bucket - there is nothing there
(woman's voice) that shack has a basement
an end to everything
(running to a shack)
Fuck, main thing is we don't get a fire
lie down (?)
we can't fucking get out of there, guys
what the fuck do we do, if we get buried, we wouldn't be able to get the fuck out
what the fuck else do we do?
better then being there
if we are buried, we are fucking done
either we burn alive or we burn (unintelligible)
if the cellar was out of concrete it would be better
fuck
(unintelligible)
maybe I have it
(running out). Let's. ... Zhora (name) (running)
let's get inside
I think, who the fuck knows, let's go further. Let's run
every iron ...
let's go! (driving away in a car)
@lowfour (post #1069) joder los putos drones esos, la que te lían en un momento
ah, y eso muestra otra cosa, rusia no tiene defensas anti-aéreas o qué??
Edited 2022-06-22
es curioso que ahora sean los alemanes, casi 100 años después, los que digan que eso de quemar libros como los nazis está mal, que destruye la cultura, frente a los rusos!
gran parte del auge del nazismo (aparte de su antisemitismo) se produjo por el miedo al "bolchevique" que iba a dejar a las élites industriales europeas (y a las aristócratas también, éstos tenían tanto o más que perder que aquellos, aunque considerasen a aquellos como élite de segunda) en la miseria por la "colectivización" de fábricas (y tierras, pero esto ya era más cosa de mao y los anarquistas y tal, los stalinistas querían más bien pillar cacho industrial, aunque la hoz no la quitaron del martillo, que hacía falta mano para empuñar fusiles y tal)
el tal melnyk diciendo que hay paralelismos históricos...
en definitiva, alemanes llamando nazis a los rusos de forma poco velada
@elarquitecto (post #1071)
Ojo que el Drone es de Alibabá de esos! Jajaja, calidad infame pero logran los objetivos.
De todas formas pagar 9500€ en alibaba ya requiere tener los cojones de titanio reforzado.
@lowfour (post #1074)
joder, compara los 9,5k€ de ese drone con la morterada de 900k€ del turco
tiene mucho más sentido usar drones suicidas de 9k y no de 900k
@elarquitecto (post #1075)
Hombre, por supuesto. Lo digo porque la gente que compra en Alibaba a veces recibe unos truños in parangón. Riesgo extremo.
@lowfour (post #1076) pero los habrán comprao en otro lao, no veo yo al ministerio de defensa pillando material en ali...
bueno, igual sí... quién sabe, aquí hemos tenido historias peores y andan en juicios
https://www.politico.eu/article/germany-declare-national-energy-alert-russia-economic-attack/
esto es guerra fría y lo demás son tontás... sobre todo cuando llegue el invierno, verás tú qué frío!
Ta sabrosón el solsticio de Rusia
RUSSSIA IS ON FIIIIIREEEE
Algunos dicen que estos tochkas son los que arrearon al depósito de municiones ruso de los volodyas de ayer. Y ojo al dato como hay uno con un manpad antiaéreo por si vienen los cazas a destruir los lanzadores.
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